A Thai police officer talks with anti-government protesters
Thailand has been gripped by a paralysing political crisis since Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was ousted from office in a military coup in September 2006. When Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva was chosen as prime minister in December 2008, some Thais hoped the protests had finally come to an end. But the political schism is far from over. In March 2010 the pro-Thaksin red-shirts launched new protests aimed at bringing the government down. Two months on, the protesters were evicted by the army from their fortified encampment in Bangkok's city centre. A week of clashes left at least 50 people dead, most of them protesters. Analysts and some participants say the problem goes far beyond Mr Thaksin, and is about how much say ordinary people are allowed to have in the formation of their government. Who are the pro-Thaksin protesters? Many of the protesters come from Thailand's rural north and northeast. They benefited from the populist policies Mr Thaksin framed during his five years in power - such as on health and education - and many of them want him back.
Mr Thaksin is out of the country but speaks to supporters via video link |
Others are urban intellectuals who want to see more democracy and less military influence in the country. These various constituencies make up the anti-government United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD), and are known for wearing distinctive red shirts. The red-shirts say Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva came to power illegitimately and is a puppet of the military. They want Mr Abhisit to resign and call fresh elections. During the recent protests in Bangkok it has become clear that a hard-line group exists within the red-shirts. It is not clear to what extent the more moderate red-shirt leaders have control over this group. What have the red-shirts been up to? In April 2009 the red-shirts forced the cancellation of a summit of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (Asean). They stormed the venue in the seaside resort of Pattaya, causing huge embarrassment to the government. A day later, tens of thousands of protesters broke into the interior ministry, and camped around Government House; a clampdown resulted in the deaths of two people. The red-shirts went home, only to return almost a year later. This time they came in force, with tens of thousands joining the first rally in Bangkok. They vowed not to leave until the government stood down. From their first camp around Government House, they moved into Bangkok's shopping hub. Over the course of a month, they stormed parliament, the Election Commission and a key satellite TV base. On 10 April an attempt by the military to clear them from one of their camps turned violent. At least 25 people were killed, including at least five soldiers. When Mr Abhisit offered polls on 14 November it appeared as if a deal could be in the offing. But none was reached, because of divisions over holding the deputy prime minister accountable for the 10 April violence. On 13 May the Thai military moved to seal off the protest camp. Clashes then erupted when a renegade general who backed the protesters was shot. Deadly clashed between troops and protesters in several areas bordering the protest camp followed. More than 30 people have been killed. On 17 May the government gave a deadline of 1500 (0800 GMT) for protesters to leave their protest area. When the army finally acted on 19 May, some of the main red-shirt leaders told their followers to give up the protest and go home. Most left the protest camp but others fought the army. A number of buildings, including a major shopping centre, government buildings and the stock exchange, were set on fire, causing serious damage. Who are the anti-Thaksin protesters? The opponents of Mr Thaksin call themselves the Peoples' Alliance for Democracy (PAD) and wear yellow shirts. They are a loose grouping of royalists, businessmen and the urban middle class, led by media mogul Sondhi Limthongkul and Chamlong Srimuang, a former general with close ties to the king's most senior adviser, Gen Prem Tinsulanonda.
The PAD protesters helped bring down two pro-Thaksin governments |
The PAD was instrumental in setting the scene for the military coup which removed Mr Thaksin from office in 2006. And months after his allies were re-elected in the first post-coup polls, they took over Government House for three months and engineered a week-long siege of Bangkok's main airports in December 2008, crippling the country's vital tourism industry. Together with several court rulings against Mr Thaksin's political parties, they are credited with bringing down two governments of his allies - firstly the administration of Samak Sundaravej and then that of Mr Thaksin's brother-in-law Somchai Wongsawat. Once the Democrats were in power, the yellow-shirts went quiet. But after a month of red-shirt demonstrations in Bangkok, they intervened. On 18 April 2010, they gave the government a week to end the political crisis or face mass action. They have since called on Mr Abhisit to resign, but the promised demonstrations have not materialised. How did Mr Abhisit become prime minister? Amid the turmoil of the airport blockade in December 2008, a Constitutional Court ruled that the then ruling pro-Thaksin party was guilty of electoral fraud and barred its leaders from politics for five years. A few Thaksin loyalists were persuaded to change sides to join a coalition led by the other main party, the Democrats. This enabled Democrat leader Abhisit Vejjajiva to become the next prime minister, with military backing, without calling elections. Where is Mr Thaksin now? Mr Thaksin describes himself as a citizen of the world, and he is often in Dubai, China, the UK or Hong Kong. If he did come back to Thailand, he would face two years in jail after being found guilty in absentia in a conflict of interest case. His long-term aims are unclear. In the past he has said he will not re-enter politics, but he has also said he is needed to lead Thailand out of the economic crisis. He remains actively involved in Thai politics, often appearing via video-link at red-shirt rallies. Where do Thai politics go from here? The impression given of the red-shirts in pro-government media is of a Thaksin-fixated rabble, prone to violence. But red-shirt leaders say their movement is about much more than one man and his money; they say the movement is about more profound social change. They say that every vote should count, and that Thailand should break out of a pattern of military intervention supporting an elite bureaucratic system. As the recent violence on the streets of Bangkok shows, divisions in Thai society run very deep. At the moment neither the protesters nor the government appear in the mood to compromise - and while the red-shirts have gone home, some say they will be back.
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Bangkok: A city divided by protests |
Violence has split the city in recent days
As government efforts intensify to dislodge the anti-government "red-shirt" protest camp from the centre of Thailand's capital, Bangkok, the BBC's Vaudine England looks at the prospects for peace. Early morning in central Bangkok. Men emerge from an makeshift bathroom area, hair neatly slicked back, towels over their shoulders, bare torsos and sarongs. They gather around a motorbike which has just carried in newspapers showing fresh pictures of the carnage of the day before. In cooking areas, women are chopping huge piles of vegetables. Inside the camp, the atmosphere is friendly and purposeful. Waiting it out A short walk east of the protest camp, through barricades and an army checkpoint, one enters a different world. Sukhumvit Road is home to hotels, bars and restaurants, apartment buildings and shopping malls. At night, the bars are open as usual. By day, the queues at the supermarkets are longer, and the guest-lists at hotels such as the JW Marriott, just beyond the edge of the army blockade, are changing. General manager Peter Caprez said about half of his guests were Bangkok residents who had moved out of their homes inside the red zone. He jokes that his hotel has become a high-class refugee camp. "Before this, I used to say this was a political process which has to take place, and we foreigners have to remain uninvolved," he says. "Now, it's not only a political struggle but a conflict on the streets. We have to wait it out, keep our heads low and stay neutral." Near the hotel, beside a railway line that divides the militarised zone from the night life district, Thais are lining up at a military registration point to get permission to cross the divide.
Protesters have been living in red-shirt camps for months |
Crossing the political divide is much harder - many say national reconciliation will take not months, but years. Back in the anti-government protest camp, awnings over the sleeping quarters display boards carrying gruesome pictures of dead or wounded comrades. They are pasted up every day and groups of protesters - known as red-shirts - gather around, shaking their heads. Six weeks ago, some of these people might have accepted an early election. But early attempts to reach a deal collapsed. Then 25 people - 19 of them red-shirt protesters - were killed in fighting on 10 April. Since then, the anger has only grown. The protesters have lived on the streets for many weeks, becoming increasingly confident as they derided what they saw as the weakness and vacillation of the government of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva. They have settled in, with wooden pallets to raise their coloured mats, fans and mosquito nets - and a warm sense of community. The old guard But even if any protesters choose or are forced to leave, the anger will not go away so easily. "The shooting is very bad, [it is] very bad people to kill people who have nothing," says Lek Suthin. He is usually a motorbike driver but is now spending time in the red-shirt camp.
Upmarket hotels are seeing a marked change in clientele |
He does not insist on the return of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, but wants someone like Mr Thaksin, "somebody who makes Thailand go up". In the camp, demonisation of Mr Abhisit is graphic and constant. Images of him painted as a devil are pasted on billboards advertising lavish new condominium complexes or boutiques. He is seen by the protesters as a symbol of the patrician old guard. Just over the wall from the Ratchaprasong camp is the Royal Bangkok Sports Club - an elite haven including a golf course, horse racing track and club house in the heart of the city. The contrasts of rich and poor are a fitting reminder of what lies at the heart of this conflict - the loss of faith among the less privileged members of Thai society in the post-war consensus about how this country is run. The protesters accuse Mr Abhisit of being unelected; his supporters point out that he has been voted into parliament in seven elections, and became prime minister through a vote in parliament. The red-shirts feel the process lacked legitimacy. They say the old elite was behind the military coup that deposed Mr Thaksin in 2006, and that the courts were politically influenced when they threw out the two Thaksin-allied governments that followed. They assail what they call the double standards - terrorism charges against their own leaders while one of the so-called yellow-shirts, whose protests arguably helped bring down a government in 2008, is now foreign minister. People have lost faith in the system. These people are not only the poor, Thaksin-lovers from the rural north-east, but also leftist intellectuals and middle class workers in Bangkok, who help to swell the camp's numbers every evening. Hardliners on the up? Where once there was certainty that the monarch would intervene, there is now concern about the health of the 82-year old King Bhumibol Adulyadej.
The protesters say Abhisit Vejjajiva came to power illegally |
Old lines of authority and allegiance are fracturing. Police have been seen joining the protesters, government ultimatums have been ignored, peace talks have fallen apart. Mainstream red-shirt leaders and some government figures appear united in their wish for a negotiated settlement. But hardliners on each side appear to have gained ascendancy. And a violent, almost paramilitary, edge has come to the streets in recent days - whether aligned to either side is unclear. It is helping to create more bloody pictures for the protesters to get angry about. And it is confirming that just another crackdown and another election will not be enough to bring peace to Bangkok.
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